A rather doubtful example of the Gothic. Despite these facts, and notwithstanding the ambivalent feeling towards Notre-Dame of Paris, it is clear that the recent disaster caused a great stir amongst the public, the media and the politicians. Europe had not seen a fire of this scale and cultural impact for about 75 years. It triggered deeply engrained memories of destruction, conflicts and suffering.
In densely built medieval cities, where wood was an important part of the everyday architecture, churches were damaged many times by large fires, though they were rarely the target and the origin of the fire.
But the phenomenon of large city fires, mostly a result of military activity, [ix] drastically diminished during the Renaissance. Remembering the Roman Emperor Nero who enjoyed the contemplation of burning Rome in 64 AD, the fire becomes a spectacular and apocalyptic sight, and the arsonist a demonic creature or a dangerous madman. Such a situation was relegated to the tribulations of the dark days of our past, till Notre-Dame of Paris suddenly revived these memories which many believed forgotten.
More than in terms of architectural importance, the significance of Notre-Dame is to be understood in the national imaginary developed since the 19 th century. The building was no more celebrated for its religious function but started embodying the social history of the place. One remembered that the place saw the execution of Jacques de Molay, last Master of the Knights Templars burned upon a scaffold in ; as well as the revolution struggles, the demolition of the cathedral sculptures and the coronation of Napoleon in Today, after the fire, Notre-Dame is on its way to become a European symbol for cultural collaboration since the French president Emmanuel Macron promptly proposed to create a network of European experts for heritage and heritage conservation.
Source: Website of Europe 1. The spectacular fire of the 15th of April will remain in memory. While the nation is in turmoil over the yellow vest movement and the national debate, the fire of Our Lady in the heart of Paris had a cathartic value. The Eiffel Tower sells 6. Septentrion Presses Universitaires.
Accessed online on Accessed on Unpublished report. Gravure de Wenceslaus Hollar, Page de couverture de Charlie Hebdo du La tour Eiffel vend 6. The prize is awarded by the Upper Lusatian Scholarly Society Oberlausitzische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften , one of the oldest learned societies in Germany. It is named after the local historian Hermann Knothe and recognises exceptional research on Upper Lusatian history and culture. Lars-Arne Dannenberg. This town was part of Bohemia in the early modern period and so was ruled by a Catholic king.
However, the Lutheran Reformation made serious inroads in the region, leading to a constellation where a Catholic king ruled over a largely Lutheran area. The essay focuses on Lauban as one example of the complex introduction of Lutheranism in this region and shows how the Reformation changed urban institutions and influenced the daily lives of men and women. As Dr. Jens Bulisch stressed in the laudatory speech, this research is particularly important as the fact that the now-Polish Lauban was part of Upper Lusatia is frequently forgotten.
For a German version of this report, see here. Lars-Arne Dannenberg right picture: Kai Wenzel. Kanungo, Ahmad eds. The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare. It opens up space for new theoretical and methodological reflections on electoral democracy, critically taking on such salient issues as development, terrorism, charisma, media, new mechanisms of mobilization, nationalism, rumour, religion, regionalism, polarisation, space, Muslim vote, and caste.
This volume is distinct in its ability to focus squarely on the empirical acts of voting. It sociologically and historically examines the enduring as well as changing institutional, social, political, and cultural landscapes in which voting takes place. Unlike most other studies on elections in India, this book puts human subjectivity at the centre of election studies.
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The anthropological-sociological perspective the volume places before readers draws on political-social theory whereby the volume also examine the larger and changing contours of modernity, democracy and elections being its key faces. As such the volume situates the elections in relation to changing nature and forms of elections and democracy globally, in particular in conversation with those in the democratic nation-states in the West. The book was officially launched at a celebratory roundtable in Delhi on 25 March During a recent visit to Munich , I had the opportunity to visit the town museum.
Throughout the museum, the mutual influence of the town and ist religions becomes visible. One of the most common stereotypes about people from Munich is, after all, that they are Catholic. One of the key factors in migration and the subsequent settlement in a new town is religion. At the same time the introduction of new kinds of beliefs and practices can lead to conflict, but also to syncretism and the definition of common ground.
The case of Munich can raise even broader questions, connected to religion and urbanity, particularly when a town is described as such. The name Munich may be derived from monks who were present in the region and the coat of arms shows a monk. The building efforts in Munich in order to turn it into a clerical centre during a later period may also have contributed to the emergence of Munich as a town. Scholars whose work focuses on towns and cities have long grappled with the emergence of town and cities and there is no conclusive consensus about the use of these terms or the best way to categorise urban settlements.
This way of conceptualizing cities and towns has its merits, as it enables comparisons across cultures and times. It is possible, for example, to look at an Indian, Swedish and Asutralian port city alongside each other and in this way determine similarities and differences. But just as it is difficult to define what a city is, so it is difficult to ascribe a certain identity to towns. The approach risks simplifying the complex nature of urbanity to a single descriptor, which obsures the view on other ways of thinking about a place and the complex ways in which different functions of a city reinforce, undermine or change one another.
And there is also a risk of seeing too many similarities between different towns, at the risk of overlooking what makes them distinctive. If we return to Munich, we can also find another way of defining a town. Not by looking for certain terms or descriptions which are used in the historical sources, but by looking for signs and symbols. In Munich, a seal was already used in It shows a monk and is probably how the town came to ist name, based on the Latin forum apud Munichen.
When a town starts being a town is never easy to answer, as it depends on the set of criteria we apply. So scholars always construct their own cities by defining what counts as a city, and what does not. In recent scholarhsip, there is a trend to use flexible criteria in order to be able to show how a town did not just come into being whenever it was described as such in written sources.
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Religion can play an important role when it comes to definitions of towns. In medieval and early modern sources, the presence of certain clerical structures may indicate the prestige and power of an urban settlement, while many of the foundation myths connected to towns also centred on religion.
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The case of Munich also illustrates the linguistic challenges in defining what cities or towns are. Similar problems occur in modern languages. In some cases we get a sense of the urban if individuals reflect on a place, for instance when farmers coming from the countryside comment on the hustle and bustle during religious processions, which they could simply not imagine in their villages. In all these notions of towns and urbanity, religion played a crucial role.
The re-reading of this work lays open the deficit in the widespread model of coextension of political dominion and identity with religious practices and identity.
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This end is helped on the political side by the growing number of people who are outside of the ultra-dense structure of the ancient city and state which cannot by its very genesis expand beyond the city and fighting without knowing for a wider and more universal structure than the city can offer. Thus, the beginning of the end of the ancient city is dated by Fustel to the seventh century BCE, that is, immediately after the start of Greco-Roman urbanization.
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The growing distance between concepts of the divine and divine intelligence and the dead, the growing distance between cult without adequate concepts and the birth of philosophy had undermined the principles of polis religion. The critical review is then extended to concepts of the relationship between city and religion in other periods and areas.
DOI: Maier and Maik Patzelt in an article that just appeared in the international journal for the history of religion, Mythos. Whereas previous research on ancient religion has stressed the role of religion for cities and urban topography, we are suggesting a new focus on the impact of cities on religion and on how the interaction with city-space changed religion. Nombreuses sont les raisons de cette fascination et de cet attachement. Laurent Bili Ambassadeur de France en Turquie depuis Paul Claudel, Correspondances , L'actuel site de l'ambassade de France constitue un patrimoine historique exceptionnel auquel la France accorde une importance capitale.
Danielle Elisseeff est historienne et sinologue. Il est chevalier des Arts et des Lettres depuis Nous arrivions rue Bizerica Amsei. Lorsque Charles E.
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