How often? You must have had a better fuck than your wife? Tell me about it.
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We can go upstairs and have a great time. I promise. He is a good guy. I hope you can let this go. Reported as being the words of President Trump recorded in a memo that James Comey , FBI Director at the time, wrote shortly after a meeting held in the Oval Office on 14 February , referring to the federal investigation into links to the Russian government of national security adviser, Michael T.
Flynn , who had resigned the day before.
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In a statement, the White House has denied the version of events in the memo. I will tell you I didn't say that. And there'd be nothing wrong if I did say it according to everybody that I've read today, but I did not say that. Reportedly said in a meeting with lawmakers on immigration, as quoted in "Trump criticized immigration from 'shole' countries: report" 11 January , by Avery Anapol, The Hill.
Variant: "Why do we want all these people from shithole countries coming here? Trump denied making this comment. We should have more people from Norway. Take them out. I have a wonderful relationship with Haitians. Probably should record future meetings - unfortunately, no trust! In a post midterm press conference, Trump denied making the comment and dismissed Cohen's claims: "That's false" — as quoted in "President Trump says he has 'never used racist remarks'" 7 November , by Hunter Walker, Yahoo News.
Name one country run by a black person that's not a shithole Name one city. Misattributed I have a really high IQ, Phil. I mean, c'mon. It's impossible for me to not be atheist. As his extemporaneous speech continues, Mr. Trump peppers the crowd with incomplete or inaccurate soliloquies about the cost of the American Embassy in Israel, an update on the border wall and repeated references to his election win.
TRUMP brings up a favorite story about tapping his business world contacts to save money on the new embassy in Israel. An hour into the event, the president ends with a goodbye tailored to the crowd. Please upgrade your browser. Site Navigation Site Mobile Navigation. Setting A prototypical rally location. Act I Scene I. As he types, a graphic appears on a screen upstage.
1. Think of the why.
Supporters Line Up at JQH Arena Like the political version of the Deadheads who follow the Grateful Dead, a small cluster of fans travels from rally to rally, arriving late the night before to stake out a place in line. Jim Millenbruch in the parking lot before the rally. Glenn and Dawn Wilcoxson traveled from Florida to sell Trump merchandise. Supporters waited in line to enter the arena. It will explore the prehistory of online rating and ranking, and will review the variety of web tools and analytics that have emerged recently to measure, manage, represent and structure our feelings, and that promise us a monetizable asset in the form of digital reputation.
But, where, and for whom, are profits actually made in these processes? These feeling-intermediaries most often work for corporations, brand managers, and marketers. They produce value insofar as they are able to mine, intervene in, and direct online feedback in ways beneficial to their employers. Their work represents an entirely new set of services that have arisen to find the profit in Web 2. Quite simply, they are sites where we might analyze the appropriation of value from feeling via specific kinds of structuring logics and measurement algorithms.
To be sure, the practices of ranking, rating and feeding back are similar to these processes, and the promise of valuable reputation held out by both reality television production and online web participation are evidence of a contemporary structure of feeling where personal visibility and surveillance is chic Andrejevic, , fame is money, and the manipulation of affect a required skill. But, again, it is crucial to note that what is extracted from the expression of this feeling is valuable only to those who develop, control and license the mechanisms of extraction, measurement and representation, not for the people doing the expressing.
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So, while some critics contend that the production and promise of digital reputation signals the rise of a new form of ethical politics linked to the expression of collective affect, I will argue that the digital reputation economy functions through forms of market discipline and affective conditioning, which, much like the practices of branding, work to direct human meaning-making and self-identity in highly motivated and profitable ways. Reputation is an extremely fluid, contingent, and precarious personal attribute generated entirely by the perception, attention and approval of others.
In other words, reputation is a cultural product, and, as such is conditioned by its mode of production. This mode of production is generally marked by the perennially exploitative relations between labour and capital as well as by other relations of power based on forms of identity such as race, sexuality and gender. Many have argued that this power of authorizing and validating attention, nowadays primarily enacted by the media industries, which can lead to the growth of a profitable reputation, feeds the lack in all individuals, promising, simultaneously, to recognize our uniqueness and assuage our anomie.
Cultural historian Warren Sussman asserts that procedures of self-production and self-presentation have always reflected the dominant economic and cultural interests of the time. These styles of selfhood, in turn, jibed nicely with the intensification of consumer culture throughout the twentieth century.
To follow these lines of inquiry we might ask: How are our personal narratives predicated on more general culturally constructed ideas about our interiority, and the values we attach to the expression of some version of interiority, being generated, conditioned and deployed within post-Fordist capitalism and neo-liberal modes of governmentality?
These processes include strategies of permanent innovation, mobility and change, subcontracting, and just-in-time, decentralized production Harvey, They are also heavily dependent on communication networks and emphasize the production of knowledge and symbolic products, including packaging, branding and marketing, over concrete material production see Goldman and Papson, ; Harvey, Under these conditions, the construction, deployment, and embodiment of perpetually changing images come to play a larger and larger role in capital accumulation Harvey, Here, individual responsibility is stressed, while communitarian or state-run social or cultural initiatives are discouraged.
Work under the hyper-networked conditions of flexible accumulation and the market-driven ethos of neoliberalism has grown increasingly precarious and unstable. French sociologists Luc Boltanski and Eve Chiapello describe them as marked by flexibility, casualization, segmentation, intensity, and increased competition Boltanksi and Chiappello, Autonomous Marxist critics, such as Antonio Negri, Michael Hardt, Maurizio Lazzarato, and Paolo Virno argue that the increased production of immaterial commodities, such as design, knowledge and communication, necessitates new forms of labour, which involve creativity, innovation, and the manipulation of personal emotion and affect.
But this subjectivity is not freely expressed or unfettered; it is most often subject to rigorous participative management programs, which remain authoritarian.
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The paradigmatic worker under post-Fordist capitalism may likewise be considered a virtuoso. Insofar as we are language speakers, we are all virtuosos, and our ability to create, communicate and manipulate affect is increasingly central to job performance: think of the call centre worker, the waitress, airline attendant or the Reality TV participant.
And, under the conditions of a perpetually transforming, unstable and increasingly image-based mode of production, we come to recognize that the ability to attract attention — to garner a reputation — might provide us with a modicum of personal and financial security. If these conditions of work suggest a perpetually malleable, cynical and changeable style of selfhood, then the cultural industries are the places where the appropriate, profit-producing templates of the self are developed and propagated. But, reality television is not the only place where this cynical outer-directed approach to self-production can be found; indeed as Emma Dowling, Elizabeth Wissinger, and Lynne Pettinger among others, have noted, most kinds of service work these days require it Dowling, ; Wisinger ; Pettinger, In the post-Fordist era, then, we see a shift from a working self, to the self as work in the form of a self-brand with reputation as its currency.
As mentioned above, marketing and branding have become central activities of contemporary capitalism. No longer concerned with simply fixing a logo to a product, branding practices increasingly attempt to establish virtual contexts for consumption; experiences, spaces, relationships are all branded.
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In addition, branding activities are entirely dependent on the processes of meaning making and sociality of consumers as they not only buy but also live through the brand. So, branding practices produce sets of images and immaterial symbolic values in and through which individuals negotiate the world at the same time as they work to contain and direct the expressive, meaning-making capacities of social actors in definite self-advantaging ways, shaping markets and controlling competition.
This investment of the body is bound up Foucault, 25 emphasis added. Andrew Wernick outlines a specific example of the body forced to be economically useful and to emit signs of its own utility in his book Promotional Culture. Goods, services, corporations, and, most centrally, people are all implicated in a promotional culture. The self as commodity for sale on the labour market must also generate its own rhetorically persuasive packaging, its own promotional skin, within the confines of the dominant corporate imaginary.
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